Thursday, August 25, 2011

Steve Jobs: ‘Unfortunately, That Day Has Come’

Steve Jobs: ‘Unfortunately, That Day Has Come’

With his health uncertain, Jobs steps down as Apple’s CEO. Tim Cook takes over

Jim Wilson/The New York Times/Redux
Ever since his surgery for pancreatic cancer in 2004, Steve Jobs has dismissed questions about his health as irrelevant. In a manner both imperious and, given the circumstances, understandable, Jobs said that he would know if or when he was unable to fully execute his duties as Apple’s (AAPL) chief executive officer. “Unfortunately, that day has come,” wrote Jobs to the company’s board of directors and “the Apple Community” on Aug. 24.
On the day of the announcement, a person close to Jobs who was not authorized to speak about his health said the outgoing CEO was in Apple’s Cupertino (Calif.) office for the entire workday and attended a regularly scheduled board meeting. This person described Jobs’s condition as weak but added that his resignation was not indicative of a sudden downturn and that Jobs, while housebound in recent weeks, was up and about. Jobs gathered his senior executive team in an emotional meeting after the news broke. He also made clear he plans to be an active chairman, according to another source familiar with the transition. The market reaction was instantaneous: Apple shares fell as much as 7 percent in extended trading after the announcement.
Jobs’s past 14 years as CEO have been unprecedented—not merely in corporate history, but in the history of American life. Apple—the company he co-founded at the age of 21, was exiled from, and nurtured obsessively into the second-most-valuable corporation in the world after ExxonMobil (XOM) —dominates technology and popular culture. Rivals as diverse as Research In Motion (RIMM), Nokia (NOK), Hewlett-Packard (HPQ), Google (GOOG), and the entire music industry have been forced to change strategies or abandon once-thriving models in the face of its success. Yet each triumph has been accompanied by poignancy. Pictures of Jobs introducing iPhones and iPads over the last three years show a man disappearing before our eyes, leading some to wonder about his daily role. “He hasn’t been a driving force for the past two years,” says Daniel Genter, who oversees about $3.7 billion as president of RNC Genter Capital Management in Los Angeles.
Still, it’s a testament to his products that his obvious deterioration has done little to shake investors and only added to his legend. Apple stores are packed because the products are good, and sometimes even beautiful. But buying an iPhone while Steve Jobs is still alive is something to tell your kids about, like buying a Model T from Henry Ford.
As an oracle, Jobs, 56, is irreplaceable. His designated successor, Chief Operating Officer Tim Cook, who proved his ability to run Apple since Jobs’s first medical leave in 2004, has officially been guiding the company since January. Hired by Jobs in 1998 from Compaq, Cook, 50, quickly oversaw the creation of Apple’s online store and the rollout of its candy-colored iMacs (no more beige) and soon had Apple running with less inventory than even Dell (DELL). He also helped Apple to ramp up production of iPods, iPhones, and iPads at rates never before imagined—with only rare gaffes. He revamped Apple’s support, such that customer satisfaction ratings soared right along with volume.
While he lacks Jobs’s charisma and vision, Cook has endeared himself to Apple staff through sheer accumulation of work hours and unfailing loyalty. Despite overtures from HP and numerous other big tech companies, Cook hasn’t budged. Does he have the right stuff to lead Apple? “The good Lord created only one Steve Jobs,” says former Microsoft (MSFT) CFO John G. Connors, who sits on Nike’s (NKE) board with Cook, but “Apple will be wildly successful under his leadership.”
The bottom line: Protecting Apple’s position as the dominant force in tech falls to Tim Cook, an ace manager though not a showman of Jobs’s caliber.

Burrows is a senior writer for Bloomberg Businessweek, based in San Francisco. Tyrangiel is editor of Bloomberg Businessweek and an executive editor of Bloomberg News

Libya: Can It Become an Oil Superpower?

Libya: Can It Become an Oil Superpower?

Qaddafi’s ouster would present opportunities for oil companies, but Libya needs stability first

Benghazi rejoices at news that rebels have seized Qaddafi’s compound Benghazi rejoices at news that rebels have seized Qaddafi’s compound Gianluigi Guercia/AFP/Getty Images
The messiest part of war is how it ends. Even as Libyan rebels and their supporters fired rifles in the air and poured into Green Square to celebrate the downfall of Muammar Qaddafi, the scenes at the Mujama Aleiadat hospital in Misrata, 130 miles from Tripoli, told a grimmer story. The hospital’s corridors were jammed with the wounded, including a 3-year-old boy hit in the arms and abdomen by shrapnel from a shell that also killed his 6-year-old brother in neighboring Zlitan. One of the hospital’s own, a 20-year-old medic who crewed ambulances into the front lines since the start of the war, had been killed by a sniper bullet. “Qaddafi has lost, but people are still fighting,” says Dr. Mohammed Ahmed, who was caring for the wounded boy. “I don’t know why.”
The apparent end of the dictator’s brutal, often bizarre, 42-year rule was greeted with relief not just among ordinary Libyans, but also by leaders of the NATO countries who had launched a hastily arranged anti-Qaddafi military campaign that’s now lasted more than six months. The work of stabilizing post-Qaddafi Libya will take a lot longer than that. Basic services like water and electricity are barely functioning, and the country’s physical infrastructure is in ruins. The rebels, a coalition including longtime Qaddafi opponents and former regime figures, say they intend to establish a democracy, though Libya has neither a political party nor a constitution. Even Mustafa Abdel Jalil, head of the rebels’ National Transitional Council (NTC), warned on Aug. 22 that governing in the post-Qaddafi era will “not be a bed of roses.”
What Libya does have going for it, of course, is oil. With 47 billion barrels of reserves, the 74th-largest economy by gross domestic product possesses 3.4 percent of the world’s known supply. In normal times, oil and gas account for 95 percent of exports and 80 percent of government revenues. The civil war has sent production plummeting, from 1.6 million barrels a day in 2010 to 60,000 recently.
The emergence of a new set of leaders has already set oil companies hustling to grab a stake of a hugely lucrative market. Their prospects, as much as those of the Libyan people, depend on how quickly a group of disputatious opposition figures with no experience governing together can bring order to a devastated nation. “You can’t divorce the political transition from how fast oil is going to come online,” says Edward P. Djerejian, director of the James A. Baker III Institute for Public Policy at Rice University in Houston and a former U.S. ambassador to Israel and Syria. “They have to move together; there has to be a strong sense of political stability.”

History says Libya is not a good bet to become an oil superpower anytime soon. Three decades after the Iranian revolution in 1979, production there has yet to be completely restored. Iraq needed four years to equal its output before the 2003 U.S. invasion, and the ex-Soviet Union countries required as much as a decade. “Libya is not as extreme a case as Iran, but it is not going to be easy,” says Peter Hutton, an analyst at RBC Capital Markets in London.
For centuries Libya has been divided along geographic and tribal lines with a weak central government in the middle. Over the last four decades, Qaddafi was the government, reserving all important decisions, including on key oil concessions, for himself. His talent as a global attention-hog may have been unique, but as a ruler he hewed to the dictator’s playbook: dispensing patronage to his loyalists, creating a cult of personality, and brutally persecuting his enemies. His sins against his citizens may dwarf his sins against the state, but he undermined the machinery of government and commerce at every chance. “Here is a country where the grand leader by design gutted all institutions of governance,” says Robert Danin, a senior fellow for the Middle East and Africa at the Council on Foreign Relations in Washington. “When he leaves, there goes the state.”

FULL STORY AT http://www.businessweek.com/magazine/libya-can-it-become-an-oil-superpower-08242011.html